On 19 February of this year, a meeting was held between J. Kuchkarov, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy and Finance of the Republic of Uzbekistan, and A. Mesarović, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy of the Republic of Serbia. During the talks, the parties discussed the current state of and prospects for bilateral trade, economic and investment cooperation.

At the beginning of the meeting, the Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia conveyed sincere greetings and best wishes from President of Serbia A. Vučić to President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Sh. Mirziyoyev. She also expressed gratitude for Uzbekistan’s principled position in support of Serbia’s territorial integrity.

The Serbian side noted that, in recent years, Serbia has become one of Europe’s leading countries in attracting investment. It was emphasized that new technologies, robotics, the automotive industry and high-tech manufacturing are developing rapidly.

The Uzbek side, in turn, provided information on Uzbekistan’s stable macroeconomic growth, the high rate of GDP growth, declining inflation and the ongoing reforms aimed at improving the investment climate.

During the meeting, the Serbian side raised the issue of facilitating a reduction in customs duties on Serbian-made Stellantis electric vehicles exported to Uzbekistan.

In response, the Uzbek side noted that electric vehicle manufacturers were already operating in Uzbekistan and had assumed certain obligations. At the same time, the Uzbek side stated that the matter would be considered in accordance with the established procedure.

The Serbian side also stated that, within one month, it would submit an official document outlining priority areas relating to investment, preferential trade and the expansion of cooperation. The Uzbek side expressed its readiness to consider these proposals, within the scope of its authority and in accordance with the established procedure. The Serbian side was also informed that the Ministry of Investment, Industry and Trade is the competent regulatory authority in the fields of investment and trade.

In addition, the Uzbek side expressed interest in Serbia’s defence industry capabilities and proposed implementing joint projects in this area.

Following the results of Q1 2026, the ranking of large banks underwent notable changes. While the leading group remained intact, positions within the segment were reshuffled. In the small-bank category, movements were also significant, pointing to continued realignment and stronger competition across the sector.

The Center for Economic Research and Reforms presented the updated Bank Ranking based on the results of the Banking Activity Index for Q1 2026.

The study covers 34 commercial banks of the republic, including 20 classified as large financial institutions by scale and branch network, while the remaining 14 were categorized as small banks.

The methodology is based on the analysis of 27 indicators benchmarked against national averages and international standards, including the requirements of the Basel Committee. The ranking serves as an important tool for enhancing transparency and strengthening confidence in the financial system. This approach is consistent with international practice and is widely used by leading financial institutions.

Financial Results for Q1 2026

During the reporting period, total assets of the banking sector amounted to 932.3 tn sums ($76.3 bn), while liabilities reached 793.9 tn sums ($64.9 bn). Lending increased by 14%, while deposits grew by 32%. The aggregate capital of the banking system was fully denominated in the national currency. Net profit reached 3.1 tn sums ($254 mn), which is 36.3% higher than a year earlier.

During the period under review, the share of non-performing loans declined to 3.3%, compared with 4.5% a year earlier, indicating improved portfolio quality. At the same time, in several banks the ratio remains above the sector average. Capital adequacy indicators exceed minimum regulatory requirements by more than 1.4 times, confirming the resilience of the banking sector.

Large Banks Activity Ranking for Q1 2026

The results of Q1 2026 show that despite the relative stability at the top of the ranking, both categories of banks recorded notable positional changes.

In the large-bank segment, performance was mixed. Out of 20 banks, 7 improved their positions, 8 declined, and 5 retained their previous places. This reflects a high level of competition and the ongoing redistribution of market positions.

The most notable progress was demonstrated by Tenge Bank, which moved up by 6 positions. Three more banks — Agrobank, Invest Finance Bank, and Xalq Bank — advanced by 2 positions each. Positive momentum was also recorded by Ipak Yuli Bank, Asia Alliance Bank, and Hamkorbank, all of which improved their standing in the overall ranking.

At the same time, several large banks recorded lower activity levels. The most significant decline was observed at Orient Finans Bank and Trast Bank, which fell by 5 and 3 positions respectively.

Changes Across Key Indicators

Financial Intermediation. The leading positions were taken by Invest Finance Bank, Anor Bank and Kapitalbank. In this ranking, Davr Bank and Hamkorbank fell by 4 positions, while Ipoteka Bank declined by 1 position.

Financial Accessibility. The leaders were Agrobank, Anor Bank and BRB. Under this indicator, declines were mainly observed among leading banks: Kapitalbank (-3 positions), Hamkorbank (-7), Asia Alliance Bank (-1), Ipak Yuli Bank (-5), and Trast Bank (-6). The strongest improvement in this ranking was recorded by Tenge Bank (+8), Xalq Bank, Davr Bank (+5), and Agrobank (+4).

Capital Adequacy. The top positions were occupied by Orient Finance Bank, Trast Bank and Halk Bank. At the same time, Agrobank dropped by 4 positions, while Aloqa Bank declined by 2 positions.

Asset Quality. The leaders were Hamkorbank, Asia Alliance Bank and Ipak Yuli Bank. Turonbank fell by 5 positions, while Asakabank, Mikrokreditbank, SQB, Trast Bank and Anor Bank each declined by 2 positions.

Management Efficiency. The highest positions were held by SQB, Orient Finance Bank and NBU. At the same time, Asaka Bank dropped by 5 positions, while BRB declined by 4 positions.

Profitability. The leaders were Hamkorbank, Trast Bank and Asia Alliance Bank. Turon Bank, after falling by 3 positions, ranked last. In this ranking, Kapitalbank, Asia Alliance Bank, Anor Bank and Davr Bank declined by 2 positions, while Ipoteka Bank and Mikrokreditbank fell by 1 position.

Liquidity. The leaders were Asia Alliance Bank, Ipak Yuli Bank and Trast Bank. At the same time, Mikrokreditbank, Ipoteka Bank, Anor Bank and SQB each declined by 1 position.

Small Banks Activity Ranking for Q1 2026

The small-bank group remained relatively stable, with leading institutions retaining their positions. The main changes in this category were concentrated in the middle segment, where several banks improved their standing due to stronger financial intermediation and higher profitability.

Within this group, 8 out of 14 financial institutions improved their rankings. The most notable gains were recorded by AVO Bank and Apex Bank, both rising by 3 positions. TBC became the leader of the ranking.

At the same time, 5 banks moved down, with the sharpest decline recorded by Octobank, which lost 6 positions. Saderat Bank, Garant Bank, and Ziraat Bank each rose by 2 positions. The ranking was rounded out by Open Bank and Uzum Bank, both up by 1 position.

Jafar Khidirov, CERR

CERR Banking and Financial Sector Research Sector
Tel: (78) 150 02 02 (441)

CERR Public Relations and Media Sector
Tel: (78) 150 02 02 (417)

In recent years, relations between Uzbekistan and the United States of America have gained a new impetus. Moving beyond formal diplomacy, the partnership has evolved into a deeper, multi-dimensional engagement. Today, political dialogue is active, economic and business ties are expanding, and humanitarian and people-to-people connections are steadily strengthening.

Until 2017, Uzbek-American cooperation was primarily focused on regional security issues and the situation in Afghanistan, while noticeable progress in the economy and investment was virtually absent. However, following the election of Shavkat Mirziyoyev and his visit to Washington in 2018, cooperation began to acquire a strategic character.

This marked the first visit by Uzbek leader to the United States in 16 years and signaled a new level of mutual trust. During the visit, agreements and memoranda totaling over $4.8 billion were signed, paving the way for projects involving major U.S. companies.

These positive trends have largely been driven by Uzbekistan’s domestic reforms and its pragmatic approach to regional and foreign policy. Consequently, diplomatic engagement has intensified: regular consultations at the level of foreign ministries have fostered systematic and structured cooperation.

Since the 2020s, relations have evolved into a multi-layered structure. In 2021, the format of political consultations was transformed into the “Strategic Partnership Dialogue between Uzbekistan and the United States,” encompassing the economy, security, and environmental issues. The first meeting of this new format took place in Tashkent and laid the foundation for comprehensive cooperation.

In 2024, bilateral relations reached a qualitatively new level with the official establishment of an expanded strategic partnership. This format is based on the alignment of key priorities: Uzbekistan seeks deep economic modernization, attraction of foreign investment, integration into global markets, and the formation of a competitive economy. The United States supports these efforts, affirming its commitment to the reform process and encouraging American business participation in the new opportunities emerging in Uzbekistan.

In this context, the meeting between Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Donald Trump in September of this year on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly outlined specific priorities for bilateral cooperation and established the foundation for long-term collaboration. More than ten agreements were signed with major companies, including Boeing, Cargill, and Citigroup and others.

Following this, in October 2024, a U.S. delegation led by President Biden’s Special Envoy for South and Central Asia, Sergio Gor, and Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau visited Tashkent. The visit reinforced mutual trust and underscored both sides’ commitment to advancing joint initiatives in key areas of the bilateral agenda.

Undoubtedly, the U.S. contribution to Uzbekistan’s economy maintains a steady dynamic: in 2024, trade turnover increased by 15%, reaching $881.7 million. The portfolio of investment projects exceeds $11 billion. These figures illustrate a steady expansion of trade and economic cooperation, even as overall volumes remain relatively modest.

At the same time, the contemporary economic agenda, however, extends beyond traditional trade. Joint industrial and investment projects, collaboration in logistics, civil aviation, agro-industrial complex, and metallurgy, as well as the implementation of digital and innovative solutions in supply chain management, are coming to the forefront.

Structural changes in Uzbekistan’s export profile are particularly noteworthy. Services now constitute 86% of the country’s main export portfolio. The United States remains the largest market for Uzbek IT services: of 800 active exporters, 448 provide digital services to the U.S., representing 45% out of total IT exports. This underscores the U.S.’s role as a strategic partner in Uzbekistan’s technology sector.

To increase the export of Uzbek goods to the U.S., the President instructed the regions of the country to establish direct connections with individual states. For instance, in August of this year, a task was set to increase textile exports to the U.S. five to sixfold. Within this initiative, the Andijan Region Textile Trade House opened a representative office in St. Louis, one of the country’s key logistics hubs.

The American company Oppenheimer plans to participate in the financing of three major projects in the Andijan Region with a total value of $1.2 billion, including the creation of a textile industrial zone worth $180 million.

Uzbekistan has again attracted U.S. attention due to the presence of critically important minerals and rare earth elements used in batteries, semiconductors, and modern defense systems. In April 2025, the countries signed an agreement on cooperation in the extraction of such resources, and in September, the American investor Cove Capital began geological exploration work.

Significant progress is also observed in the humanitarian sphere: the number of academic exchanges and educational programs is increasing, and the interest of Uzbek youth in American education has noticeably grown. Currently, 40 Uzbek universities implement partnership projects with more than 25 American universities and educational institutions. Cooperation includes academic exchange of faculty and students, joint research, and the engagement of American specialists in the educational process.

These initiatives reflect Uzbekistan’s aspiration for greater openness and integration into the international community, creating conditions for expanding contacts in tourism and cultural spheres.

In this context, starting January 1, 2026, Uzbekistan will introduce a 30-day visa-free regime for U.S. citizens. Previously, such a regime only applied to tourists over 55 years old. The new rules significantly facilitate U.S. citizens’ access to the country, promoting tourism, business travel, and cultural exchanges, as well as opening additional opportunities for establishing direct contacts between individuals and organizations in both countries.

A central element of multilateral interaction remains the regional C5+1 format, which unites the U.S. and the five Central Asian countries. The U.S. National Security Strategy indicates the intention to intensify work within this platform to promote initiatives on climate change mitigation, energy and food security, development of transport connectivity, and expansion of Central Asian countries’ access to global markets.

To sum up, the evolution of Uzbekistan-U.S. relations demonstrates how pragmatism and reform-driven policies can overcome barriers and create mutual benefits. Today, bilateral relations are comprehensive and resilient: Uzbekistan has emerged as a significant partner, recognized in Washington as a key contributor to regional stability. The trajectory of cooperation points toward constructive partnership, with Central Asia serving not as periphery, but as a bridge for sustainable development and mutually beneficial collaboration.

Shakhnoza Kodirova

Head of the Department the

the Institute for Strategic and Regional Studies

under the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan

The text of the article is in Uzbek!

Ahead of the 81st session of the U.N. General Assembly and the 2026 SDG Moment, regional mechanisms for implementing the Sustainable Development Goals are gaining new relevance.

Jakhongir Isaev

The 81st session of the U.N. General Assembly opens on Sept. 8, while world leaders will gather for the SDG Moment on Sept. 18. These events will once again focus attention on how to accelerate progress toward the Sustainable Development Goals in the limited time remaining before 2030.

The U.N.’s 2026 Sustainable Development Goals Report shows that of 139 targets with sufficient trend data, only 36% are on track or making moderate progress. The report emphasizes the need for more investment, technology, data and international cooperation. At the same time, many of the most difficult development challenges are regional, while the main delivery mechanisms remain largely national.

Water basins, electricity grids, transport corridors, air pollution, climate risks and labor markets do not stop at national borders. National plans therefore increasingly need to be complemented by regional coordination, shared data, financing instruments and accountability mechanisms.

Central Asia is beginning to accumulate practical experience in this direction. It would be misleading to present the region as a finished model: serious water, infrastructure and institutional challenges remain. Yet several initiatives advanced in 2026 indicate how a regional layer of SDG implementation can take shape.

In April, the U.N. General Assembly adopted Resolution 80/260 on strengthening regional cooperation and economic integration for sustainable development in Central Asia. Supported by the five Central Asian states and 66 co-sponsors, the resolution calls for closer coordination among countries and for U.N. agencies, funds and programs to align their work around regional priorities.

The practical value of this approach is that country programs run by international organizations can be linked around common cross-border outcomes. Water efficiency, clean electricity trade or better transport connectivity can become measurable regional missions around which national reforms and development-partner resources are coordinated.

Energy is already moving in that direction. In January, the World Bank approved the first phase of the Regional Electricity Market Interconnectivity and Trade program. The 10-year initiative aims to establish Central Asia’s first regional electricity market, expand transmission capacity and enable larger-scale renewable-energy integration.

Water cooperation provides another important example. The World Bank estimates that limited coordination among national water systems costs Central Asia more than $4.5 billion a year. In July, it approved a regional project through the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea to strengthen transboundary water management, digitize water accounting and prepare joint infrastructure investments. Around 40 million people are expected to benefit directly or indirectly.

Regional cooperation inevitably requires countries to reconcile different interests — between upstream and downstream states, electricity exporters and importers, transit economies and landlocked countries. For that reason, an effective model also needs mechanisms for benefit-sharing, dispute resolution and transparent monitoring.

Central Asia’s emerging experience suggests four practical lessons for the wider SDG system. First, regional cooperation should focus on specific and measurable missions. Second, multilateral development banks could expand regional financing instruments that reward joint delivery. Third, common standards and interoperable data platforms should be treated as part of regional public infrastructure. Fourth, the U.N. development system can align more of its country-level support around common regional results when dealing with transboundary challenges.

Such an approach does not weaken national sovereignty. On the contrary, it gives governments additional tools to address problems that cannot be solved effectively by one country alone. Regional cooperation also does not replace global cooperation; it serves as an important bridge between global goals and national implementation.

The 2026 SDG Moment emphasizes scaling solutions that have demonstrated results. The mechanisms now emerging in Central Asia are relevant from this perspective because they point to the need to scale not only individual projects, but also the institutions that connect countries, budgets, data and accountability.

In the next phase of the SDGs, greater attention should therefore be given to strengthening practical delivery mechanisms. For many cross-border challenges, regional cooperation can be one of the most effective levels at which this work is organized.

Jakhongir Isaev is Head of Department at the NGO Center for Sustainable Development. He writes on sustainable development, international cooperation and regional policy.

At the end of Q1 2026, the republic’s exports of goods and services demonstrated a steady growth trend.

During the reporting period, exports totaled $5.8 bn, increasing by 26%, or $1.2 bn, compared to the same period last year.

Export growth was driven primarily by the expansion of shipments of higher value-added products and raw materials. In particular, exports of natural uranium amounted to $402.6 mn, increasing by $196 mn, or 95%. Exports of non-ferrous metals reached $248.7 mn, up by $137 mn, with a twofold increase recorded. Exports of oil and gas products totaled $160 mn, rising by $20 mn, or 15%.

Positive dynamics were also observed in manufacturing industries. Textile exports reached $731 mn, increasing by $110 mn, or 18%. Exports of construction materials totaled $304 mn, up by $130 mn, or 75%. Exports of jewelry products reached $214 mn, increasing by $75 mn, or 54%.

Sustained growth was also recorded in agricultural and food exports. Fruit and vegetable exports reached $320 mn, increasing by $34 mn, or 12%. Food product exports totaled $282 mn, increasing by $47 mn, or 120%.

Strong growth was also achieved in services. During the reporting period, services exports amounted to $2.2 bn, increasing by 35%, or $573 mn, compared to last year.

Regional export activity also expanded. In Andijan region, exports increased by $83 mn, or 74%; in Khorezm region by $27 mn, or 66%; in Navoi region by $15 mn, or 42%; in Fergana region by $54 mn, or 42%; in Namangan region by $43 mn, or 31%; in Syrdarya region by $17 mn, or 29%; and in Samarkand region by $54 mn, or 28%. In Tashkent city, exports grew by $178 mn, or 42%.

Export growth was recorded in 147 districts and cities across the republic.

The geography of exports continues to expand. In January–March of the current year, previously non-exported goods worth $162 mn across more than 140 product categories were supplied for the first time to 86 countries, including the United States, Austria, Belarus, Poland, South Korea, Iran, Kazakhstan, and Afghanistan.

In particular, exports to Hong Kong included jewelry, solar panels, semiconductors, brass products, and spare parts worth $42.1 mn. Exports to Afghanistan included truck cranes, aluminum products, oilcake, metal fittings, pipes, and other goods worth $19.8 mn. Exports to the United States included carpets, rug fabrics, electrical equipment, solar panels, and other goods worth $9.4 mn.

In addition, exports amounted to $2.3 mn to Poland, $3.8 mn to Kazakhstan, $3.2 mn to Belarus, $1.7 mn to Austria, $1.1 mn to the United Kingdom, $1.1 mn to Iran, and $649.3 thousand to South Korea.

As a result of efforts to involve new businesses in export activity, 702 new business entities joined export operations during the reporting period. Their exports totaled $270 mn. As a result, the total number of exporting enterprises reached 4 thousand.

Within the national export support system, financial and organizational assistance to exporting enterprises continued. Through the Trade Promotion Fund, 405 exporters received financial support totaling 32.3 bn soums, while these companies exported goods worth $98.9 mn. Every $1 of state support generated $38.9 in exports.

In addition, the Light Industry Agency provided financial assistance totaling 8.8 bn soums to 212 exporters.

The achieved results confirm the effectiveness of the measures being implemented in the country to expand export potential, diversify the product range, and strengthen competitiveness in foreign markets.

Center for Economic Research and Reforms Media Sector

Central Asia is entering a new stage of regional cooperation. What is emerging is neither a replica of the European Union nor an attempt to build a supranational bloc. Instead, the countries of the region are developing a flexible model based on sovereignty, political dialogue, practical cooperation and an expanding habit of consultation.

A region moving from fragmentation to coordination

For many years, Central Asia was often described through the language of fragmentation. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan shared geography, history, infrastructure and common environmental challenges, yet cooperation was constrained by unresolved borders, water disputes, trade barriers and limited political trust.

That picture is no longer sufficient. Over the past decade, the region has entered a new phase in which political dialogue has become more regular, practical cooperation has widened and the habit of consultation has become increasingly institutionalised.

One of the important catalysts for this shift was the change in Uzbekistan’s approach to its neighbourhood. From 2017, Tashkent placed relations with Central Asian states at the centre of its foreign-policy agenda and promoted direct, regular dialogue among the region’s leaders. At the 72nd session of the United Nations General Assembly in September 2017, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev proposed holding regular consultative meetings of the heads of Central Asian states. The first such meeting took place in March 2018.

Cooperation without delegated sovereignty

The Consultative Meetings have gradually become the region’s principal political platform for discussing common challenges. Yet the format was not designed as a supranational organisation. Central Asia has no regional commission with independent authority, no regional parliament and no legal order comparable to that of the European Union.

Cooperation advances mainly through presidential meetings, ministerial coordination, bilateral and multilateral agreements and issue-specific arrangements. Institutions exist, but they remain light and state-controlled. This is institutionalisation without the transfer of sovereignty.

Uzbekistan’s role in this process is therefore best understood not as an attempt to construct a hierarchical integration project, but as a contribution to creating a political environment in which regular consultation and practical cooperation became possible. That distinction is important: the emerging regional order depends on the participation and political will of all the states involved.

Political trust as regional infrastructure

The clearest evidence of change is not a new headquarters or treaty organisation. It is the gradual reduction of problems that once made regional cooperation difficult.

In March 2025, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan signed a treaty on their state border, bringing a decades-long negotiation process to a formal conclusion. Given the history of tensions along parts of that frontier, the agreement improved the political environment for wider regional cooperation.

Transport connectivity, water management, energy, climate resilience, trade and industrial cooperation are also increasingly discussed as regional issues. For Uzbekistan, which is double-landlocked and closely connected to its neighbours through transport, water, energy and trade networks, a more predictable regional environment has direct economic and security significance.

This practical dimension has helped give the new regionalism substance. Political rapprochement has been followed by efforts to expand cross-border trade, improve transport links and coordinate responses to shared challenges.

Uzbekistan and the institutional evolution of regional cooperation

The seventh Consultative Meeting of the Heads of State of Central Asia, held in Tashkent on 16 November 2025 under the chairmanship of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, marked another stage in this evolution. The leaders adopted a decision admitting Azerbaijan as a full-fledged participant in the format.

The Tashkent meeting also demonstrated how the mechanism is becoming more structured while retaining its intergovernmental character. During Uzbekistan’s chairmanship, the regional agenda expanded across security, interregional cooperation, industry, agriculture, ecology, culture and other areas.

The sequence matters. In Central Asia, institutionalisation has largely followed political rapprochement rather than preceded it. Governments first rebuilt dialogue, reduced bilateral tensions and expanded practical cooperation. Formal mechanisms followed cautiously and selectively.

This may be described as sovereignty-preserving regionalism: states seek deeper coordination while avoiding the transfer of political authority to a regional centre.

From regional rapprochement to international recognition

External partners are increasingly responding to Central Asia as a more coherent regional space. A major example was the first European Union–Central Asia Summit, held in Samarkand on 4 April 2025. The summit was chaired by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, with the participation of the leaders of the five Central Asian states and the European Union.

The meeting elevated relations between the European Union and Central Asia to a strategic partnership. Its agenda covered connectivity, trade, energy, water, climate, critical raw materials and other areas that are difficult to address through five unrelated bilateral tracks alone.

For Uzbekistan, hosting the summit reflected an important dimension of its regional policy: strengthening Central Asia’s collective international agency without replacing national foreign policies with a single regional centre. Greater coordination does not require the region’s states to speak with one voice on every issue. It enables them to identify areas where interests overlap and where joint engagement can bring practical benefit.

A model with strengths and limits

The emerging model has clear advantages. It lowers political barriers to cooperation, preserves national ownership and allows governments to advance practical initiatives without first resolving sensitive questions about supranational authority.

But it also has limitations. Consensus-based cooperation can slow decision-making. Light institutional structures may make implementation uneven, and regional cooperation can remain vulnerable to leadership changes, economic shocks or renewed disputes. Its durability will ultimately depend on whether repeated cooperation can survive moments when national interests diverge.

The next stage will therefore be judged less by the number of summits than by whether political agreements produce sustained results in transport, trade, water, energy, climate adaptation, security and people-to-people links.

Why Central Asia matters beyond Central Asia

Central Asia matters to debates about regionalism precisely because it does not resemble the European Union. The European experience has often shaped assumptions about how regional cooperation should evolve: states cooperate, build common institutions, accept shared rules and, in some fields, delegate authority above the national level.

Central Asia is moving differently. Its governments are building a denser pattern of political consultation and practical interdependence while maintaining a strong preference for sovereignty and intergovernmental decision-making.

Uzbekistan has contributed significantly to this process by promoting a more open regional political environment, initiating regular consultative dialogue among Central Asian leaders and linking political rapprochement with practical cooperation. At the same time, the process is fundamentally collective: its progress depends on the willingness of all participating states to reconcile national priorities with common regional interests.

Central Asia may never become another European Union — nor does it necessarily seek to. Its significance lies in showing that a region can become more cohesive, coordinated and internationally consequential while following its own institutional path.

Jakhongir Isaev

Head of Department, NGO Center for Sustainable Development, Uzbekistan

An expert from the Institute for Strategic and Regional Studies under the President of Uzbekistan, commented to Dunyo IA on the outcomes of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s working visit to the United States, which took place from February 17 to 19:

- The visit of the President of Uzbekistan to the United States, which took place as part of his participation in the first meeting of the Board of Peace, was not just another diplomatic event, but a logical continuation of the strategy of pragmatic and mutually beneficial dialogue with Washington built over recent years. It demonstrated a shift from symbolic political interaction to systemic coordination in security, economics, trade, and humanitarian exchanges.

This visit marked the culmination of an intensive partnership over the past six months. Meetings on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, the C5+1 summit, participation in events in Davos, and the signing of the Charter of the Board of Peace, as well as personal contacts between the two leaders, have fostered a stable dynamic of political dialogue. This fifth summit in six months demonstrates that relations have entered a phase of regular strategic communication, with each meeting reinforced by concrete agreements.

The visit’s busy business program confirmed its practical nature. During his stay in the United States, the head of state held talks with representatives of the American administration, financial institutions, and business circles, including the Export-Import Bank of the United States, the International Development Finance Corporation, the American-Uzbekistan Chamber of Commerce, as well as the heads of major companies such as Traxys, Valmont Industries, Gulf Oil, Aviagen, John Deere, BlackRock Financial Markets Advisory, Oppenheimer, and others. Following the signing of bilateral documents, the parties solidified agreements in priority areas such as the agro-industrial complex, critical minerals, financial market development, improving the investment climate, and the creation of an investment platform.

Discussions with the US Trade Representative and the Secretary of Commerce deserve special attention. During these talks, the need to intensify work within the framework of the Trade and Investment Framework Agreement between the countries of Central Asia and the United States was emphasized. This gave cooperation not only a bilateral but also a regional dimension, strengthening Uzbekistan’s position as a coordinator of economic processes in the region.

Viewed historically, the current stage’s foundation was laid back in 2018 during Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s first official visit to Washington, when agreements worth over $4.8 billion were signed. This package signaled Uzbekistan’s systemic openness to international businesses. In 2021, the Strategic Partnership Dialogue was established, and its subsequent expansion testifies to the institutionalization of bilateral relations. The invitation of the Uzbek leader to the G20 summit in Miami, personally initiated by US President Donald Trump, further confirmed the country’s strengthening international status and recognition of its growing role on the global agenda.

The economic dimension of cooperation is demonstrating steady growth. While trade turnover stood at $408 million in 2018, it consistently exceeded $1 billion by the end of 2024-2025. The current three-year Economic Cooperation Program, worth $35 billion, reflects the long-term nature of the parties' intentions. At the same time, the structure of interaction is undergoing a qualitative change: the emphasis is shifting from trade operations to the implementation of investment and production projects.

Today, flagship American companies such as Air Products, General Electric, General Motors, Boeing, Honeywell, and John Deere are actively operating in Uzbekistan. The $8.7 billion package of agreements signed at the C5+1 summit, including a contract for 22 Boeing aircraft, investments in the critical minerals sector, and projects in the agro-industrial sector, confirms the practical focus of the dialogue.

The transformation of the export structure is particularly revealing: services now account for approximately 86% of Uzbek exports to the US, with the IT sector remaining the key driver. Of the 800 active digital services exporters, 448 target the US market, accounting for 45% of all industry exports. This demonstrates that the partnership is gradually becoming more high-tech, moving beyond traditional commodity-based models.

The humanitarian dimension of cooperation is no less important. Academic exchange is expanding, the number of joint research projects is growing, and the integration of Uzbek specialists into international educational networks is strengthening. Currently, 40 Uzbek universities are implementing partnership programs with more than 25 US universities. Webster University’s Tashkent branch and the American University of Technology, established jointly with Arizona State University, are successfully operating. Thus, a long-term intellectual infrastructure for strategic partnership is being formed.

Overall, the current stage of relations between Uzbekistan and the United States is characterized by a transition from symbolic declarations to systemic coordination on issues of regional security, sustainable development, investment policy, and technological modernization. These achievements confirm that Uzbekistan is steadily establishing itself as a key US partner in Central Asia.

Dunyo IA

This year, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is celebrating its 25th anniversary. Over the past quarter-century, it has undergone a profound institutional transformation – from a mechanism for building cross-border trust within the “Shanghai Five” format to one of the most influential platforms for multilateral cooperation in Eurasia.

Over these years, the SCO has significantly expanded its membership. While in 2001 it was founded by six states (China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan), today the Organization brings together 10 member states, 15 dialogue partners, and 2 observer states.

At the same time, interest in the Organization’s activities continues to grow steadily. According to SCO Secretary-General Nurlan Yermekbayev, approximately 20 countries have expressed interest in joining the structure in one capacity or another.

Uzbekistan, as one of the founding members of the SCO, makes a significant practical contribution to its activities. The country has held the SCO chairmanship four times and successfully hosted the SCO Heads of State Summits in Tashkent (2004, 2010, and 2016) and Samarkand (2022).

At the present stage, Uzbekistan actively participates in shaping the Organization’s current agenda, focusing on security issues, trade and economic cooperation, industrial and technological partnership, cultural and humanitarian ties, and regional connectivity.

Economy and Transport Connectivity

Economic cooperation is one of the key areas of Uzbekistan’s participation in the SCO. For Tashkent, the Organization is of practical interest primarily as an effective platform for expanding trade, attracting investment, developing industrial cooperation, and establishing reliable transport and logistics links.

Uzbekistan’s trade ties with SCO member states have already reached a significant scale. In 2025, the country’s foreign trade turnover amounted to $81.2 billion, an increase of 20.7% over the previous year. China, Russia, and Kazakhstan remain Uzbekistan’s largest trading partners, accounting for around 43% of the country’s total foreign trade turnover.

The SCO’s economic potential is constrained by differences in customs procedures, technical standards, and market-access rules. To remove these barriers, Uzbekistan is calling for the signing of a Trade Facilitation Agreement, the harmonization of customs and technical standards to launch “green corridors,” the development of cross-border e-commerce, the wider use of national currencies in settlements, and the creation of investment mechanisms to provide independent financing for joint projects.

Uzbekistan’s strategic goal is to transition from simple trade to deep industrial cooperation, the production of high-value-added goods, and the integration of national enterprises into global value chains. Significant opportunities in this regard are opened up by cooperation in the energy sector, digitalization, green technologies, and the processing of critical minerals.

A practical continuation of this approach was the initiatives put forward by Uzbekistan at the SCO Summit in Tianjin. These include the establishment of a Regional Centre for Critical Materials and the SCO Energy Consortium, the development of venture mechanisms to support innovative projects, and the formation of a unified electronic portal for direct business contacts and investment attraction.

The deepening of trade and industrial cooperation is directly linked to the development of transport infrastructure. For Uzbekistan, as a landlocked country, expanding the geography of routes is a key condition for sustainable economic growth. The China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway, currently under construction, is of particular importance. In the future, its alignment with the Trans-Afghan Corridor (Termez–Mazar-i-Sharif–Kabul–Peshawar) could create a new transport route connecting China, Central Asia, and South Asia.

Tashkent also supports the concept of establishing a “Single SCO Transport Space” based on the development of new multimodal networks, the digitalization of transport, and the creation of seamless “green corridors.” Expanding access to the markets of China, Russia, the Caspian region countries, Iran, and South Asia creates additional opportunities to diversify foreign trade and strengthen regional connectivity.

Security: From Traditional Threats to a Comprehensive Approach

Alongside economic partnership, cooperation in the field of security remains a top priority for Uzbekistan within the SCO. Over the years of operation within the Organization, an effective system has been established to combat the "three evils" (terrorism, separatism, and extremism), organized crime, and drug trafficking, with the Executive Committee of the SCO Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) in Tashkent serving as its key link.

At the same time, the expanding spectrum of challenges and threats brings new tasks to the forefront: ensuring cybersecurity, protecting critical infrastructure, countering the use of information technologies for unlawful purposes, and enhancing preparedness for environmental and technological risks.

In light of these new realities, Uzbekistan actively supports the profound modernization of SCO mechanisms. As part of the institutional reform, the Executive Committee of the RATS is being transformed into the Universal Center for Countering Security Challenges and Threats. The architecture of the updated system will be complemented by the SCO Center for Combating Organized Crime in Bishkek and the SCO Anti-Drug Center in Dushanbe, which will ensure a comprehensive and targeted response to cross-border threats.

Alongside institutional improvement, Uzbekistan promotes substantive initiatives in three main areas.

First, strengthening trust and strategic dialogue. In 2022, the Samarkand Solidarity Initiative for Common Security and Prosperity was put forward; in 2023, a proposal was made to develop the SCO Code of Good-Neighborliness, Trust, and Cross-Border Partnership; and in 2025, Tashkent initiated the adoption of the SCO Declaration on Nuclear Security.

Second, ensuring the security and resilience of the digital space. Uzbekistan advocates for deepening cooperation in cybersecurity and shaping common approaches to new technologies. The implementation of this course is reflected in a consistent chain of initiatives by Tashkent within the SCO framework.

In particular, at the Dushanbe Summit (2021), Uzbekistan put forward an initiative to establish the Expert Forum on Information Security to develop mechanisms for responding to cyber threats and exchanging experience. In 2023, the Uzbek side called for accelerating the adoption of the Agreement on Combating IT Crime and the Program for Countering Internet Extremism, and at the Tianjin Summit (2025), it proposed the creation of the International Expert Council on AI to develop unified standards for ethics, cybersecurity, and protection against deepfakes.

Third, promoting the stability and development of Afghanistan. Tashkent views this country as an integral part of Central Asia and proceeds from the need to combine security issues with the objectives of economic recovery, infrastructure development, and the integration of Kabul into regional ties.

In this regard, Uzbekistan advocates for the resumption of the work of the “SCO–Afghanistan” Contact Group, which could serve as a mechanism for coordinating efforts toward the country’s socio-economic development and its inclusion in major infrastructure projects.

Regional Cooperation: Climate, Food Security, and the Humanitarian Vector

The expanding understanding of security naturally brings to the forefront issues of climate and food resilience. For Central Asia, this agenda is of particular importance: over the past 30 years, the average temperature in the region has risen by 1.5 °C, which is twice the global average rate. According to World Bank estimates, land degradation, melting glaciers, and increasing water scarcity threaten to cause a 30% drop in agricultural yields.

In response to these challenges, Tashkent has built a consistent chain of systemic initiatives within the Organization: from the adoption of the SCO “Green Belt” Program (2019) and the creation of the Climate Council (2022) to the opening of the Center for Innovative Climate Solutions in Tashkent (2024) and the launch of the Regional Platform for Adaptation, Decarbonization, and the Use of Artificial Intelligence for Predicting Environmental Risks (2025).

The climate agenda is directly linked to food security. Here, the common task is the formation of sustainable agri-food systems. In this vein, Tashkent proposes to develop “smart” agriculture, introduce resource- and water-saving technologies, and establish agro-logistics centers and “green corridors” for the cross-border movement of agricultural products. Uzbekistan also proposes to launch the “SCO Food Security Atlas” platform to monitor agricultural potential and promote supply chain resilience.

Practical cooperation within the SCO is not limited to issues of economy, security, and climate; its long-term viability directly depends on the development of direct contacts between the societies of the member states. Uzbekistan consistently advocates for expanding humanitarian dialogue through festivals, forums, and exhibitions that popularize the rich heritage of the SCO “multinational family” and strengthen the foundation of mutual understanding and good-neighborliness.

Tourism serves as one of the practical tools for fostering closer humanitarian ties. In this field, Uzbekistan has proposed a comprehensive set of practical measures, including the launch of the “SCO Tourism and Cultural Capital” program, the creation of “SCO Silk Road” routes, and the establishment of the SCO Medical Tourism Alliance. The implementation of these initiatives helps to form a unified tourist space, attract investment in infrastructure, and stimulate job creation.

Overall, over a quarter-century of participation in the SCO, Uzbekistan has solidified its status as one of the key architects of the regional agenda, helping to transform the Organization from a platform for dialogue into an effective mechanism for practical partnership. The initiatives put forward by Tashkent are practical in nature and invariably align with the core interests of all member states.

Tashkent’s principled position is that the SCO must maintain its openness, avoid political confrontation, and remain guided by the principles of the “Shanghai Spirit.” It is precisely this course that enables the consistent transformation of the Eurasian space into a zone of long-term stability, trust, and sustainable development.

Madina Aripova, Chief Research Fellow at the Institute for Strategic and Regional Studies under the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan

On 23 September this year, a regular meeting of the Central Election Commission was held to discuss the accreditation of observers from abroad and from international organizations, as well as the organization of the activities of the Instant Information Center.

The interest of foreign countries and international organizations in the elections to the representative bodies of state power, which will be held this year in accordance with the updated electoral legislation, is extremely high.

In particular, it is expected that more than 1,000 international and foreign observers will participate in observing the elections, particularly about 400 from 50 countries, about 500 from 21 international organizations such as the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Organization of Turkic States and another 60 from the election commissions of 26 foreign countries.

It should be noted that the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe intends to participate in the observation of the elections in Uzbekistan with a comprehensive mission consisting of a core group, long-term and short-term observers, about 350 observers in total.

The great interest of foreign states and international organizations in the elections in Uzbekistan testifies to the international community's recognition of the democratic reforms being carried out in our country.

Accordingly, it was decided at the Central Election Commission meeting to accredit observers from international organizations who will participate in the elections to the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis and the local Councils (Kengashes), and some observers from international organizations such as the Commonwealth of Independent States, the CIS Inter-parliamentary Assembly and the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe were accredited.

As of today, foreign and international organizations wishing to accredit observers can log into the “E-Saylov” information system in their country and enter data electronically in a specific format and submit it for review.

Another notable aspect of this process is that new samples of mandates of accredited foreign observers are automatically generated electronically through this system.

Also at the meeting of the Central Election Commission, the relevant decision was taken on the establishment of the Instant Information Center – “Call Center” - and the approval of its statutes. The “Call Center” will receive citizens' complaints centrally and provide them with legal explanations and consultations in real time.

The main objectives of the “Call Center” are to establish a dialog with citizens in real time during the election campaign, to provide the population with complete and reliable information on the activities of the commissions, the stages of the electoral process, to create the necessary conditions for the unconditional realization of citizens' rights to vote and appeal, and to strengthen their awareness of electoral legislation and processes.

Central Election Commission Press Service

Zilola Akhmedova,

Dunyo IA.

At the border checkpoint, the line moves slowly forward. A border guard opens a passport, glances through its pages for a second, and presses down a fresh stamp. The traveler continues on their way undisturbed. At first glance, this is an ordinary, everyday procedure. Yet behind those few seconds lie years of intergovernmental negotiations, complex agreements, mutual trust and balanced diplomacy.

On the eve of the 35^th Anniversary of Independence, looking back at the path Uzbekistan has traversed, one can say with confidence that one of its most critical achievements has been the creation of an atmosphere of open and trusting good-neighborliness.

After all, Independence is not merely political sovereignty. Independence is a nation's right to live freely, to determine its own destiny, to build peaceful and mutually beneficial cooperation with neighboring states, and to engage in equal dialogue with the global community.

However, today's open borders and the environment of trustful good-neighborliness did not emerge on their own. Borders test not only history, but diplomacy itself. What now seems natural and familiar is the result of years of painstaking work, political will and a shared commitment to consensus.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, five Independent States appeared on the map of Central Asia. While political sovereignty was proclaimed, a significant portion of state borders remained unratified under international law. Lines that were considered mere administrative boundaries during the Soviet era turned into international frontiers overnight. The situation was particularly complex in the Fergana Valley, where borders cut through residential settlements, irrigation systems, pastures and motorways.

In those years, border demarcation was more than a political or legal issue - it directly impacted the daily lives of thousands of people. To travel from one village to a neighboring one located across the border, residents often had to make a detour of dozens of kilometers. Family visits became complicated and logistics costs for local entrepreneurs surged dramatically.

In this context, I would like to share a childhood story that deeply impacted me and one I still cannot recall without tears.

Exactly fourteen years ago, when I was twelve years old, my parents and I went on a trip across Uzbekistan. Along the way, we stopped for lunch. A woman was sitting at the adjacent table. Watching my father and me laugh and joke lightheartedly, she suddenly burst into tears. For a moment, I was confused and did not know what to do. Then she spoke:

“My name is Gulzoda. I was also the only and beloved daughter of my father. When I grew up, I married into a neighboring village. Only ten to fifteen minutes separated us from my parents' home. But then the border divided us. Our village remained in Uzbekistan, while my parents ended up in Tajikistan...”

She paused for a second as tears rolled down her cheeks again.

“A few years later, my father passed away. And I could not be there to bid him a final farewell. They did not let me cross the border...”

Now that I am older, I understand that a border is not just a line on a map. It is something that can profoundly shape human destinies.

Therefore, resolving border issues meant far more than simply drawing state lines. It restored trust between nations, served as a crucial step toward reviving economic ties, and laid a solid foundation for the overall development of the entire region.

A New Diplomatic Paradigm

Ongoing shifts in the global geopolitical landscape demanded new approaches, different policies and a fresh mindset capable of securing a strong international standing for the nation. It was under these conditions that the past decade became a period of profound transformation, new opportunities and rapid progress for Uzbekistan.

Foreign policy of New Uzbekistan designated Central Asia as its core priority. Open dialogue with neighboring states, practical cooperation, and the principle of mutual benefit formed the bedrock of this new diplomatic strategy. Its core idea was straightforward: the sustainable development of the region depends not on the isolated achievements of individual states, but on the harmonious alignment of their shared interests.

This policy translated into concrete action through the opening of new border crossing points, the revival of transport links and the steady expansion of trade and economic ties.

For instance, on March 1^st, 2018, “Jartepa – Sarazm” checkpoints on the Uzbek-Tajik border resumed operations. In August 2025, “Khovosobod – Zafarobod” and “Bekobod Auto – Khashtiyak” checkpoints in the Syrdarya region were officially granted international status. This enabled seamless border crossings for third-country citizens as well as passenger vehicles.

Along the Kyrgyz border, “Uch-Kurgan Auto” checkpoint in the Namangan region and the “Ken-Sai Auto” checkpoint in Kyrgyzstan were reopened. Today, they serve as a major transport corridor capable of processing over 500 cargo trucks and 300 passenger cars daily. Operations were also restored at the “Khanabad – Bek-Abad” checkpoints connecting the Andijan region with Kyrgyzstan, alongside the opening of the modern “Mingtepa – Kara-Bagysh” post. Furthermore, “Ak-Kiya” checkpoint leading to Shakhimardan and “Chashma” checkpoint serving the Sokh district were modernized and converted to 24/7 operations. On the border between the Fergana and Batken regions, new “Sogment – Chorbagh” border complex was launched.

On the Uzbek-Turkmen border, a New Free Trade Zone was launched near the “Shavat – Dashoguz” border checkpoint in the adjacent territories of the Khorezm and Dashoguz regions.

On the Kazakh front, the largest and busiest checkpoint, “Gishtkuprik – Zhibek Zholy”, underwent large-scale reconstruction. As a result, its daily capacity increased from 30,000 to 70,000 people, while its vehicle processing capacity exceeded 2,000 passenger cars per day. “Navoi – Kaplanbek” checkpoint in the Tashkent region was similarly modernized: traffic lanes were expanded from two to six, reducing average border crossing times to 30 minutes.

March 31^st, 2025, holds a special place in the modern history of Central Asia. On this day in Khujand, one of the region's most significant political and diplomatic events took place. Presidents Shavkat Mirziyoyev, Emomali Rahmon and Sadyr Japarov signed a historic Treaty on the Junction Point of the State Borders of the three nations. Simultaneously, Khujand Declaration was adopted and a symbolic Friendship Stele was unveiled at the border intersection.

History values specific documents not only for their legal weight, but for their power to transform the spirit of an era. The landmark agreements reached in Khujand marked the beginning of a fundamentally new chapter in Central Asian diplomacy. The legal settlement of border issues - long one of the region's most complex challenges - transformed not only the nature of relations between the three states, but the entire political climate of Central Asia, positively impacting the lives of millions today and for generations to come.

In geopolitics, trust is considered one of the most valuable assets. Where trust takes root, new transport corridors open, investments flow, trade volumes grow and security strengthens.

Concrete numbers clearly illustrate the practical outcomes of this trust. While Uzbekistan's trade turnover with Central Asian countries stood at approximately $2.5 billion in 2016, it exceeded $8 billion by the end of 2025.

Bilateral trade with Kazakhstan reached $5 billion, accounting for 60.2% of Uzbekistan's total regional trade. Trade volume with Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan reached $1.2 billion each, while trade turnover with Tajikistan surpassed $900 million.

Global Recognition and a New Geopolitical Reality

In recent years, regional cooperation initiatives put forward by Uzbekistan have gained strong backing within the United Nations. The adoption of UN General Assembly resolutions aimed at strengthening peace, stability, and sustainable development in Central Asia serves as practical proof that Uzbekistan's foreign policy is earning international confidence.

In the assessments of international experts, Central Asia is increasingly viewed as a region moving along a shared course, bound by solidarity, brotherhood, and common aspirations for the future. Uzbekistan's policy of resolving issues with neighboring states through negotiation has fostered mutual trust, accelerated transport and logistics projects, and created a more favorable climate for foreign investors. Particular significance is attached to the legal resolution of border issues, which is seen as a key step toward transforming Central Asia into a unified, interconnected economic space.

Specifically, according to Li Yonghui, Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Russia, Eastern Europe and Central Asia at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, President of Uzbekistan's visit to Khujand and his trilateral meeting with the leaders of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan represented a pivotal moment in strengthening regional cooperation and stability in Central Asia. “The unveiling of the Friendship Stele symbolizes the strengthening of good-neighborly relations, trust, and strategic partnership among the three brotherly nations”, the expert noted.

Tazin Akhtar, Editor of “Pakistan in the World”, highlighted:

“In an era of global instability, strengthening regional alliances provides a solid foundation for stability and mutual support. Achievements in border delimitation, rising trade volumes, and joint infrastructure projects make Central Asia more open to external partnerships. Uzbekistan has demonstrated a firm commitment to constructive diplomacy, creation, and integration”.

Overall, Uzbekistan's foreign policy today built on openness, pragmatism and mutual benefit is cultivating a new atmosphere of friendship and trust across Central Asia. Borders between neighboring brotherly states have transformed from dividing lines into symbols of cooperation, trade and dialogue.

Return to the Border Post

...The border guard takes the next passport, verifies the document, applies the stamp and the gate opens. The traveler moves forward without looking back. They may not even realize how much political will sits behind that brief moment. Yet that is precisely the greatest success of state policy: it frees individuals from anxiety and obstacles on their journey, allowing them to focus on their goals and dreams.

Past decade of independence has been a period for New Uzbekistan not only to reinforce its sovereign statehood, but to construct a new architecture of trust and collaboration in Central Asia. Open borders, lasting good-neighborliness and the vision of shared development are now becoming part of everyday life.